Elephant in the Room



Here are two interesting articles from The Guardian.

The first by Brian Whitaker makes an intelligent case that one of the major problems in the Middle east is that certain Islamic countries (which Brian names) are based on the complete 'hegemony' of the Muslim faith; that religion has become an ideology which is taken up by the state which seeks to discriminate actively and often brutally against other forms of religious or political expression.

Now that seems to be spot on if you ask me and is one of the main barriers to peace in the world today because these countries and their rulers are pursuing a strategy which is the opposite of tolerance, 'live and let live' and respect for minority rights.

The second article is by the Prime Minister of Qatar who is keen to talk about his country's economic ties with the UK and the rest of the world while completely ignoring the much more fundamental issues raised in Brian Whitaker's column.   

I have no idea what is discussed at the Global Counterterrorism Forum although some of the issues raised by Brian Whitaker would make a good start.
  

Most Arab states share Isis’s ideology. They’re trying to have it both ways


Isis may be more brutal but many Arab governments are on the same ground – asserting the superiority of Islam


By Brian Whitaker - The Guardian
'Most Arab states – including several members of the military coalition against it – share Isis’s approach to compulsion in religion.' Photograph: Adam Butler/AP

Compulsion in religion is the ideological foundation stone of Isis and Islamist movements in general. Believing they have superior knowledge of God’s wishes for mankind, such groups feel entitled – even required – to act on his behalf and punish those who fail to comply with the divine will. In doing so, of course, they do not claim to be seeking power for themselves but merely trying to make the world more holy.

Bombing Isis and banning Islamist movements may suppress such movements for a while but it does nothing to address the ideological problem. Unless the question of compulsion in religion is tackled head-on, and in a serious way, they will resurface later or similar groups will emerge to replace them.

Although freedom of belief is a widely accepted principle internationally, enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, it is still far from becoming established in the Arab countries. This is true of both governments and society.

As far as many of the Arab public are concerned, discriminating against members of the “wrong” faith, or those who hold unorthodox views, is not only acceptable, but the right thing to do. For Arab governments, enforcing religious rules and allying themselves with God helps to make up for their lack of electoral legitimacy.

This causes a particular problem in combating the ideology of groups such as Isis because most Arab states – including several members of the military coalition against it – share Isis’s approach to compulsion in religion. Isis may be more brutal in practice but, basically, they are on the same ground – asserting the superiority of Islam and the legitimacy of religious discrimination.

Isis’s readiness to execute people for their beliefs has parallels in six Arab countries – Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, the UAE and Yemen – where apostasy is a crime and in theory the death penalty can apply. Curiously, though, they seem reluctant to enforce it. No recent executions for apostasy have been reported in any of them and in Saudi Arabia there have been none for well over 20 years, according to the US state department.

On the rare occasions when an execution for apostasy becomes a possibility, these countries usually resort to avoidance mechanisms.

In 1996, for example, the authorities in Kuwait were confronted with their first apostasy case since independence when Hussein Ali Qambar, a Shia Muslim, converted to evangelical Christianity and adopted “Robert” as his first name. Qambar had separated from his wife and his conversion came to light during a court case about custody of their children. In accordance with Islamic custom, efforts were made to persuade him to recant – but to no avail. Islamists then began agitating and filing lawsuits seeking to have him condemned for apostasy.

The case went to court and a judge recommended the death penalty. This put the Kuwaiti authorities on the spot, since there was no doubt (in sharia terms) that Qambar was an apostate. Looking for a way to defuse the situation, they issued him with a passport and allowed him to quietly leave the country.

A similar case arose in Yemen in 2000 when Mohammed Omer Haji, a Somali refugee who had converted from Islam to Christianity, was arrested and charged with apostasy. Once again, there were behind-the-scenes activities to avert his execution, which ended with him being granted emergency resettlement in New Zealand with his wife and son.

More recently in Sudan, Meriam Ibrahim was convicted of apostasy and sentenced to death. In the absence of her Muslim father, Ibrahim had been raised by her mother as a Christian but in Sudan, under Islamic law, children inherit the religion of their father and so Ibrahim was officially classified as a Muslim. This meant she was technically an apostate, having supposedly abandoned Islam for Christianity.

Following much international pressure, an appeal court overturned her death sentence. She was released from jail and, as with the Kuwaiti and Yemeni cases, eventually allowed to leave the country.

These countries are essentially trying to have it both ways. They don’t want to execute anyone for apostasy because they know there would be an international outcry, but they also fear the reaction from religious elements if they try to abolish the death penalty.

This kind of fudging and fence-sitting has served them quite well until now, but with the growth of religious intolerance and the spread of sectarian-related conflicts in various parts of the region it is becoming less and less tenable. So long as they shy away from a clear commitment to freedom of belief, their stance helps to legitimise the actions of groups such as Isis. At some point soon they will have to decide whether they want to be part of the problem or part of the solution.



Qatar and the UK stand together in the fight against terrorism

We have not turned a blind eye to the threats posed and reject the vision, views and methods of abhorrent organisations


By Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser bin Khalifa Al Thani - Prime Minister of Qatar

Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani will meet David Cameron while in London. Photograph: Mohammed Al-Shaikh/AFP/Getty Images

This week the emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, is in London. In his meetings with the prime minister and others, he will be seeking to reinforce the strength of our countries’ relationship.

We share common goals and an intertwined history but today the UK and Qatar also share a common enemy. The shadow of international terrorism looms large, and not just over Iraq, Syria and the wider Middle East. It is a threat to our region and the world. The state of Qatar joins the United Kingdom in rejecting utterly the vision, the views and the methods of these abhorrent organisations. Their members purport to represent Islam, though they do nothing of the sort.

But this week, even as we meet to strengthen our friendship with the UK, there are those who would seek to drive a wedge between our two countries, who suggest that the state of Qatar has somehow turned a blind eye to terrorism. It is a serious allegation and it is one we refute completely. Let me be clear, for the avoidance of doubt, we will stand shoulder to shoulder with our allies in the Middle East and around the world to face down the terrorist threat.

Alongside our British allies, Qatar has joined the US-led military coalition to take action against extremist groups. We are a member of the Global Counterterrorism Forum. We coordinate counter-terrorism initiatives with 28 other member countries, including the UK. Our ministry of finance and central bank work to counter the financing of terrorism. We strive to be effective, vital and honest partners in the fight against terrorism, and we will be.

We have reinforced our commitment to these initiatives with two new counter-terrorism laws introduced this year. The first, focused on cybercrime, gives our government new powers to monitor and stop terrorist groups from promoting their activities or recruiting for their causes online. The second expands our ability to closely monitor the transactions of charities based in, or with links to, Qatar. Through this, we will be better able to identify individuals who may be trying to channel funds to terrorist groups. We will continue to take all steps necessary to counter terrorism in all its forms and methods.

The emir will also talk about how our economic relationship with Britain can be strengthened. For almost a century, the UK and Qatar have had strong bonds.

It was in 1916 that we first bound together our two countries in a treaty of friendship. Those ties have become stronger, with increasingly important trade and political links. Today we regard the UK as among our most steadfast friends and allies.

Bilateral trade between Qatar and the UK is today worth £4bn. Qatar is one of the UK’s biggest export markets in the Middle East – up more than fourfold since 2005.

We have long invested in British commerce and creativity. Our interests, in companies as diverse as Barclays and Sainsbury’s, Heathrow airport, Harrods and Canary Wharf, total more than £23bn. These are not short-term investments. It is clear that both our countries benefit hugely from them. Our investment in the Shard, for example, should be seen as a vote of confidence in the extraordinary economic powerhouse of London.

Qatar is also a country with strong traditions that is embracing rapid change. We seek to transform Qatar into an advanced country, capable of sustaining its own development and providing for a high standard of living for all of its people for generations to come.

And so, as his highness the emir and my colleagues visit London, they will demonstrate a commitment not just to the economic ties that bind us, but to our intrinsic values – shared and historic – that run deeper still.

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